Monday, November 30, 2020

The Quest for the River of Gold (3)

 I had been silent for a long time not because I had nothing to say; since I was busy writing a new chapter of my third book.

The chapter is called The Quest for the River of Gold; it comprises about 11 K words and consists of three parts: 

a.    The Near Shore: Christian Mercenaries, Merchants, and Monks in the Maghrib

b: Under the Desert Sun--The Vagaries of the Trans-Saharan Trade

c: The Gold of Wangara

The last part, Reappraisal, sums up the chapter

The first part shows that despite religious antagonism between Christianity and Islam, which took shape in the long-term wars of the Reconquista, international trade between the northern and southern shore of the Mediterranean went on and multiple Latin merchants found themselves lodging in the funduks in Muslim port cities. Besides, Berber rulers would enlist European mercenaries to fight their wars on African soil. These warriors and their families resided in special quarters in Muslim cities, such as Marrakesh, the capital of the Almohad sultanate, and attended church service. 

The second part focuses on trans-Saharan commerce: the hardships to cross the Great Desert, security, commodities, and terminals. 

The third part elaborates on the activities of the Wangara to create trading communities  and pockets of Islamic education across West Africa. 

The chapter will include two images:



The sculpture of Malian rider proves that until the Late Middle Ages the West African cavalry rode unsaddled horses. 

The miniature portrait of Mansa Musa, the Malian most famous sovereign, with the insignia of royalty, including a gold nugget or a "blank" gold coin. 

As usual, I will not upload this chapter immediately but as a special favor for you, I am presenting the first page and will be happy for any comments.

"The public associates the Late Middle Ages with incessant strife of antagonistic faiths which took shape either of a crusade or a jihad. My research calls this pervasive approach into question due to the presence of the restricted contingents of Latin Europeans on the southern shores of the Mediterranean. Giving an account for this phenomenon requires a new set of arguments. Religious fanatism was not the only platform to drum up support for achieving one’s goals.

Neither the papal moratorium on the export of military supplies beyond the bounds of Christendom nor vetoes of Islamic jurists on the commerce with the infidels could break off stable mercantile ties linking the opposite shores of the Great Sea. The enticing prices that entrepreneurs from both sides were willing to pay to sustain the brisk trade could curb any sense of remorse.  

Capitalizing on the dependency of North African rulers on raw materials, European dealers would impose agreements enabling them to put a shaking foot in the abode of Islam. Sedentary merchants, who ran their affairs from the metropolis, would commission commercial agents to do business in Muslim emporiums. For their convenience, Latin brokers required a fortified enclave dubbed “funduk” which combined living quarters, commercial facilities, and warehouses.  

   European governments endeavored to land an exclusive treaty, attempting to talk Muslim authorities into reducing customs duties and providing their compatriots with a well-guarded campus in the port area. Here, the tenants enjoyed a few amenities which rendered the air of a private space apart from the Islamic society: a bathhouse, a chapel, and an oven, allowing for daily hot meals. In compliance with home culinary traditions, the chefs operating these stoves had a license to cook pork and use lard. This diet abhorred the orthodox adepts of the Quran, who deemed the Christian cuisine contaminated.

 

   Providing a proper burial for compatriots was a matter of life or death. If a tenant happened to lose his life overseas, he would be interred in a Christian graveyard in compliance with the holy ritual.

 

   Although the Berber authorities endorsed long-distance trade that would swell state coffers, they made every effort to restrict contacts between the foreigners and the outside world. At the close of the day, the “funduk” was placed under dusk-to-dawn curfew whereas on Muslim holidays the walled compound was under lockdown. On a black-letter day, guests wishing to stir from the premises had to accept the escort of a local fellow, who served as their guide and interpreter, even if they were old-timers and spoke fluent Arabic. The official explanation cited the danger of harassment by a wild mob. Political leaders implemented tight control over dealers from overseas. A sultan owned stock of lucrative goods and forced foreign merchants to empty his warehouses, purchasing pepper at an inflated price, before entering the open market, where the exchange was often handled by local intermediaries".  




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